Review of
Alison Wray (2002), Formulaic language and the lexicon.
Cambridge UK: Cambridge University Press. 332 pp + xi. US$65 Hardback.
By Tom Cobb
Dépt de
linguistique et de didactique des langues
Université
du Québec à Montréal
For Canadian Journal of Applied Linguistics.
It is almost 20 years since the "lexical phrase" burst onto
the applied linguistics stage, with a chapter by Pawley and Syder (1983) in an
otherwise forgotten volume for language teachers. The concept has implications
which, if taken seriously, could revolutionize our views of language use,
acquisition, and pedagogy, and possibly even human cognitive architecture.
Phrase theory stands on its head the notion that normal language use involves
mainly the assembly of primitive linguistic units through the application of
grammatical rules, re-describing it as the production and reception of precast
lexical strings of various lengths with only occasional recourse to grammar
operations. The proof of the phrasal pudding, so to speak, is twofold. First,
it is doubtful whether people have the memory resources needed for online
language processing on a grammatical or analytic basis alone, i.e. without
recourse to many largish chunks of language that are accessed whole, like
words. Second, while a grammar may make indefinitely many word combinations
possible, only a fraction of these will ever see the light of day. Would you
like to become my spouse? and Will you marry me? are equally
acceptable, grammatically, but one of them is almost always used, the other
almost never. There has long been interest in the role of lexicalized phrases
in language use, of course, but until recently no means of proving that it was
more than a marginal phenomenon. It was only with the computer analysis of
large corpora, for example by applied linguists working on the COBUILD and
related projects in the late 1980s, that the extent of our reliance on precast,
formulaic language became clear. With the phenomenon thus noted (by Pawley
& Syder) and the extent of it validated (by the corpus studies), the next
task was presumably to work out its implications, establish methods of
investigating it, and propose hypotheses about what it means, and this was the
task Alison Wray set herself in her book-length treatment.
As Wray argues in a compendious review of the lexical phrase research,
phrase theory has implications for language use at all levels. As mature native
speakers of a language, we apparently produce and interpret “ready made surface
structures” (p. 13) for nearly all of our communicative functions (burst
onto the stage, otherwise forgotten, stands on its head, proof of the pudding,
see the light of day), retrieving sometimes quite lengthy strings from
memory as single lexical units, while using our “live grammar and lexicon” (p.
33) sparingly, mainly for stitching the precasts together. We thereby reserve
our main energies for idea generation and interpretation, and of course for an
occasional novel construction should the need arise (novel constructions
commonly being where the meat of an utterance lies and requiring some
effort to interpret, particularly if bearing a mixed metaphor or other sign of
on-the-fly assembly). As language learners, we apparently learn our first
languages largely through hearing, storing, and reproducing recurring extended
whole sequences corresponding to recurring extended whole contexts and
situations, presumably on an associative rather than instinctual basis,
committing these to analysis only on an as-needs basis. As cognitive systems,
we are apparently more reliant on massive and possibly redundant information
storage than we are on streamlined computation from primitive units, as we used
to think when Chomskyans ruled the roost.
Thus Pawley and Syder's chapter on phrases and second language pedagogy
had implications far beyond its brief, surely a case of the tail wagging the
dog. Despite this, the implications of phrase theory still remain to be worked
out for language pedagogy itself. Outstanding questions include these:
It is not only in second language studies that the (re)discovery of the
lexical phrase has introduced a new set of difficult issues. Also affected and
disrupted to varying degrees are linguistics proper, the modeling of normal and
abnormal language functioning, cognitive theory, and possibly others. It is
predictable, then, with the lexical phrase being approached from several
perspectives that terminology and methodology might both stand in need of a
tidy-up, and this is where Wray's ambitious task begins. Her goal is nothing
less than to organize and synthesize recent work on the lexical phrase, and
following that to offer an explanatory model that puts it all together and
secures the way forward for future researchers.
Wray begins at the beginning, looking first at the problem of
determination. How do we know when a word string is a lexical phrase, accessed
whole rather than grammatically generated?
A good deal of hard thinking has gone into this question in recent
years, and interesting approaches have been explored, including the examination
of speech rate (lexical phrases run fast and slur their consonants), pausing
(lexical phrases have fewer pauses), and corpus frequency studies (lexical
phrases can be counted by software that extracts all strings of length>x and
frequency >y). As already mentioned, phrase frequency was an early proof in
the phrase argument (Will you marry me? outnumbering alternate
formulations in any large corpus). Wray, however, is not merely
summarizing the phrase research, but also moving it forward, and the frequency issue
presents a good example of this.
Phrase recurrence, I was interested to learn, does not in itself
indicate that a phrase is being processed as a single lexical item. To know if
this is the case, you need to know the pragmatic intent behind a particular
utterance, and the art of corpus tagging has not yet advanced to this point.
For an example (mine, not hers), Shut your mouth is probably a lexical
unit if the intent is to make someone stop talking, but a generated sentence if
the dentist is signalling a time-out from oral surgery. In other words, the
same string may function as a unit in some contexts but not in others, so that
what counts as a lexical phrase can only be characterized dynamically, and the
lexicon must be considered multi-representational.
Wray examines the phrase issue in a number of research contexts--first
language acquisition, adult first language functioning, second language
acquisition, and impaired language functioning (having already published widely
in all these areas). Her text, while complex, is readable, mainly because of
the lively examples supporting the main points. To sample one or two, the
multi-representationality just mentioned comes to life in examples from aphasic
patients, such as one who frequently resorted to the phrase son of a bitch
while unable to identify his own son in a photograph; or from normal
language users, who typically cannot tell you what Rice Krispies are
made of, since their representation of the lexicalized unit does not
necessarily make contact with rice and crisp stored elsewhere in
the lexicon. The text is also studded with syntheses of research findings at an
appropriate level of detail and with an always obvious relevance. The reader
moves easily between examples, findings, and big picture topics, in much the
same way the author proposes language users move between on-line computation
from primitive units and wholesale dealing in larger chunks, according to the
need.
And what is the need for formulaic language in human communication? Wray
considers several possibilities, such as the easier online language processing
already mentioned, and finds none of them adequate to account for the extent of
the phenomenon. The most novel part of her treatment is to propose a unifying
explanation for the prominence of formulaic language, which, unexpectedly, is
unrelated to language processing per se. Lexical phrases, she argues, are used
mainly for signalling group membership
and specifically for "the promotion of self." When we want to get our
needs met, issue orders, or manipulate others, we do not trust to novel
constructions, which may go awry 'twixt speaker and hearer, but instead to
precast whole constructions known in advance to both parties.
While Wray argues the self-promotion explanation long and well, in the
end I found myself unconvinced. For one thing, any explanation positing a
single drive as the basic motivator of human behaviour (like Freud's "sex
drive" or Marx's "mode of production") is vulnerable to Popper's
charge of unfalsifiablilty. As already mentioned, there seem to be basic
problems with empirical testing of several of the most interesting ideas about
phrases, and this is especially true where the goal is unification and model
building. Still, whatever the eventual fate of this particular explanation,
Wray's attempt to gather the pieces together and make sense of them is bound to
be the point of departure for the next major expedition into phrase territory.
As a second language specialist, I noticed that when Wray deals with
second language research it is not particularly with the goal of producing a
set of pedagogical implications for language teaching. Her goal is mainly to
provide psycholinguistic explanation, and second language learning is just one
of her several data sources. Nevertheless, most of the questions about phrases
and language teaching that I set out above receive some sort of answer along
the way. Unfortunately, none of the answers serve to make second language
learning or teaching seem any easier.
As noted above, pedagogical applied linguists rediscovered the lexical
phrase without apparently doing much with it, perhaps for the good reason that
there is not much that can be done with it. This is despite the fact
that non-idiomaticity is normally the final issue for advanced learners
(Granger, 1998), or maybe it only is for their teachers.
This review has turned out
longer than I expected, but I have hardly sampled from the book's revelations
and revolutions, and then only from my own point of view. Readers involved in
any aspect of language as communication should read this book, which is bound
to become a classic of our field that will be cited for years to come. It may
even be re-issued, at which time its publishers might consider completing their
work on the names index, where at present one can attach page numbers to only
two names, Baudelaire and Field Marshall Montgomery, but to none of the host of
language specialists extensively cited--including Chomsky and the author herself.
References
Granger, S.
Ed. (1998) Learner English on computer. London: Longman.
Nattinger,
J., & DeCarrico, J. (1992). Lexical phrases and language teaching.
New York: Oxford University Press.
Pawley, A.,
& Syder, F.H. (1983). Two puzzles for linguistic theory: Nativelike
selection and nativelike fluency. In J.C. Richards and R.W. Schmidt (Eds.), Language
and communication (pp. 191-226). New York: Longman.